Speech at the 27th Meeting of the EU-Turkey Joint Consultative Committee

Minister,
Co-chairs of the Committee,
Distinguished speakers,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

Let me start by thanking the European Economic and Social Committee together with its Turkish partners for inviting me as a speaker at this seminar. The issues in focus here today are of great importance for the European Union and for Turkey. I am very happy to be here and share with you a few reflections from the perspective of the Swedish Presidency.

Our Presidency comes at a time of big challenges. The main priorities have dealt with the economic situation in the world, employment and climate change.

The focus has also been on the role of the EU as a global actor, with a clear agenda for peace, development, democracy, and human rights. The new external action service, as provided by the Treaty that enters into force today, will facilitate a common policy in this regard.

The continuous enlargement process has extended the ideas of peaceful reconciliation, integration across borders, common rules and the rule of law to larger and larger parts of this once so conflict-ridden part of the world.

Enlargement has never been an easy process - for anyone. Every new round has had its vocal opponents. In the historical enlargement to Central and Eastern Europe, when the Union expanded from 15 to 27, voices where again raised against the process: the Union would not be able to "absorb" new members, its institutions would be paralysed and important political decisions would be blocked.

These worries did not come true. When we look back, it is easy to see that periods of enlargement have been periods of deepened cooperation. New members have integrated remarkably well into the Union. Their internal reform processes have continued after accession. EU institutions were not paralysed. And all this under the Nice Treaty. With the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, I expect enlargement and integration to be even more mutually reinforcing, as decision-making will be made easier.

The development of the European Union has, again and again, been fuelled by its expansion and the integration of new members. And it's for sure that the costs of non-integration and non-enlargement would involve substantial and long-term political and security costs for Europe.

It would also send a signal to the rest of the world that the EU itself is neither open nor is honouring the old European principle that contracts must be respected - Pacta sunt servanda - with regard not least to Turkey's accession negotiations.

Then and now, the EU has an obligation to keep the door open - for obvious political, geostrategic, economic, cultural and moral reasons. Of course - full conditionality, based on the Copenhagen criteria and EU's renewed consensus on the enlargement from 2006, must apply in every aspect.

All this boils down to what today constitutes Article 49 of the Lisbon Treaty, and that's why the essence of this article remains of such crucial importance. I quote: "Any European State which respects (...) our values (...) and is committed to promoting them may apply to become a member of the Union".

The positive view on enlargement, and on Turkish accession, has always been a main characteristic of Sweden's European affairs policy. Considering this, it sometimes comes as a surprise that the Swedish government, an other Member States that are true friends of enlargement, are so strict on conditionality. But think about it - if we would fail to apply the criteria in full - how would we ever be able to convince those who hesitate about welcoming new Member States into the Union?

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Ladies and Gentlemen,

EU-Turkey relations go a long way back, long before Sweden became a member of the Union. An Association agreement was signed already in 1963. Turkey's EU membership, when all the criteria have been fulfilled, would in that sense be the culmination of a long process of European integration and modernization.

A Turkish membership would also add vitality and vibrancy to the EU. It would broaden and deepen the fundaments upon which the Union rests. And it would enrich our cultures and their diversity. It would also be an important building block in fostering mutual respect and understanding between East and West.

More, Turkey is already today the second most important strategic partner to the EU after the United States. Turkey's EU integration has a decisively positive impact on the prospects for stability and security in the entire region of the Eastern Mediterranean and the Black Sea. It is located in South Eastern Europe - in the immediate neighbourhood of the most conflict-ridden area of our days, and a transit region for natural gas and oil. Turkey's active foreign policy and increasingly important regional role in for example the Caucasus was recently demonstrated by the positive steps taken in the normalization between Turkey and Armenia - as well as in the Middle East.

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Turkey's reform process, which essentially continues to be fuelled by the perspective of full EU membership, has already involved important democratic transformations. More democratic institutions have been developed. Civil control of the military has improved. "Taboos" from the past, including the Kurdish and the Armenian questions, have been broken in favour of a significantly more open and tolerable debate, and the Government has recently taken more concrete initiatives in relation to these two important questions.

It is a fact that we see a very different Turkey today compared to only 10 years ago when candidate status was granted. And when the reforms are all there and implemented, we will see a country that differs a lot from today.

Now it is imperative that the reforms continue. Much remains to be done in order to fulfil the Copenhagen membership criteria. Let me be very clear on this: Turkey's EU process can only advance based on concrete reform progress. Full respect for human rights remains crucial. Both in terms of a legal framework in full accordance with European norms and values, as well as in the daily work of security officers, prosecutors, judges et cetera.

I believe that a broad constitutional reform, which the Turkish Government has been working on, could be a strong basis for ensuring full respect for fundamental rights. The European Commission's recent Progress Report on Turkey indicates where positive reform steps have been taken or are under way.

It also points to where further efforts are needed, including freedom of expression, minority rights, women's rights, freedom of religion and trade union rights. I sincerely hope that all Turkish political actors can work together to further a spirit of constructive dialogue and compromise.

The pace of the accession negotiations depends notably on Turkey's own progress in aligning to the EU acquis, addressing the opening and closing benchmarks of each of the 33 negotiating chapters. Up until now, a total of eleven chapters have been provisionally opened, of which one has been provisionally closed. Due implementation of the Turkish National Programme for the adoption of the acquis, reflecting these priorities, could serve as an important key planning tool for further reforms.

Along those lines, the Swedish Presidency continues to work towards further advancement of the negotiations. Together with the Commission and our Turkish friends, we seek to make progress on all issues on the table, including the important and complex Chapter 27 on Environment. We also want to encourage Turkey to advance further on the work needed in the chapters of competition, social and justice and home affairs.

Turkey also needs to fully implement the Ankara Protocol and remove all obstacles for the free movement of goods with the Republic of Cyprus. This would remove a dark shadow which has been limiting the scope of the Turkish accession negotiations.

The Cyprus issue is one of the most important strategic issues in Europe during this second half of 2009, with implications that reach beyond the Island as such. The bold steps of the Leaders of the two Cypriot communities to engage in negotiations to reach a settlement that would reunite Cyprus deserve all our appreciation and support.

The Swedish Presidency will continue to encourage the negotiating process in what could be its decisive stage. The EU also expects Turkey to continue to support the talks and to contribute to a just and viable settlement within the UN framework and in line with the principles on which our Union is founded.

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To conclude:
We have a joint task. For the EU it is about sticking to its promises. A Turkish accession process based on strict conditionality, as well as on fair and equal treatment. For Turkey it is about fulfilling its European integration by implementing all the necessary reforms. This quite simple formula will continue to be the guiding principles during the Swedish Presidency, and it will remain so also after our presidency has come to an end. That is what both stimulates further reforms in Turkey, and gives credibility to the EU and its Enlargement policy.

But this task is not only for governments, state officials and institutions to address. A strong and diversified civil society, increased dialogue between non-state actors in Turkey and the EU countries, as well as people-to-people contacts, are essential ingredients to foster a mutual understanding on the issue of Turkish EU membership. The Swedish government has a special Turkey program that captures much of this ambition, but forums as the EU-Turkey Joint Consultative Committee plays a even more important role. So this meeting comes very timely.

I wish you all success in your further work, and I am sure that the discussions here in Stockholm will be fruitful and interesting.

Thank you for your attention.